Explaining the ‘I have been commanded to fight…’ hadith by Dr Jonathan AC Brown

Sahriah Courts: Age and Physical Maturity for Sex

Women Crooked Rib Hadith Explained Dr Jonathan Brown

Hadith More Women in Hell Discussed by Dr Jonathon Brown

Jonathan AC Brown on Honor Killings

Jonathan Brown: The Hadith of the Sun Prostrating

Sharia Law against terrorism

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

Learn about Islam

Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk 

Did Prophet Muhammad Say "Love of the homeland is part of faith"

FYI Muslims talking to media, the Prophet (s) did not say "Love of the homeland is part of faith (hubb al-watan min al-iman)."

Taken from Jonathan AC Brown's FB


Interview with Jonathan AC Brown

Women Crooked Rib Hadith Explained Dr Jonathan Brown

Jonathan AC Brown on Honor Killings

Prurient Lie About Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Sahriah Courts: Age and Physical Maturity for Sex

Quran Only Movement is Not Intellectually Honest - Dr Jonathan AC Brown

Dr Jonathan Brown: The Hadith of the Sun Prostrating

What is Isnad in Hadith Studies

Sharia Law against terrorism

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

Learn about Islam

Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk

Quilliam Foundation and Maajid Nawaz Please Take Note of Jonathan AC Brown

To British Muslims it concerns: if you were stupid or gullible enough to fall for HT or some other "extremist" group's nonsense at some point in your adult life, this is not an indication of good judgment on your part regarding matters of religion. Get on with things, but spare us your "insights" on things Islamic. It's like the "I used to be anti-Semitic but now let me tell you xyz..." Really, you used to hate a whole race of people? But now you want to tell me a thing or two? {From Dr Brown's FB}

Did Muslims or Zionists Send Death Threats to Jenny Tonge? Were Zionists Behind The Asghar Bukhari Homophobe Smear Job?

Israelis Blame Muslims in Britain for Exposing Israel! Son of former far-right Dutch leader converts to Islam

Who Was Ibn Ishaq and Was His Work Reliable? Dr Yasir Qadhi: The Distortion that Prophet Muhammad 'Robbed Caravans' [QURAN MIRACLES] The Miracles of the Number 19 in Quran | Dr. Shabir Ally

Russell Brand Exposes Muslim Terrorism Percentage Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

Sharia Law against terrorism

Learn about Islam

Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk 

Interview with Jonathan AC Brown

Women Crooked Rib Hadith Explained Dr Jonathan Brown

Jonathan AC Brown on Honor Killings

Prurient Lie About Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Sahriah Courts: Age and Physical Maturity for Sex

Quran Only Movement is Not Intellectually Honest - Dr Jonathan AC Brown

Dr Jonathan Brown: The Hadith of the Sun Prostrating

What is Isnad in Hadith Studies

Sharia Law against terrorism

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

Learn about Islam

Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk

 

 

A Response to The Times Headline 'Koran Encourages Rape: How Isis fighters justify making sex slaves of girls'

Firstly we have already seen that rape in general is reprehensible according to Islam through Muslim scholarly authorities. Secondly we know Islam does not allow the rape of female slaves either.

Thirdly, here's a piece posted by Dr Jonathan AC Brown to counter some of the Islamophobic claims about rape in Islam:

In light of the misinformation and ignorance being batted around over the issue of Rape in Islamic Law, here is the text of Hina Azem’s excellent entry on it from the Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Law (of which I am admittedly the editor in chief):

Classical Islamic law defined what we would call “rape” as a coercive form of illicit sex or fornication (zinā). This basic definition of rape as “coercive zinā” meant that all the normal legal principles that pertained to zinā – its definition, punishment, and establishment through evidence – were applicable as well to rape: The prototypical act of zinā was defined as sexual intercourse between a man and a woman over whom he has neither a conjugal nor an ownership right. Sane adult male and female participants to zinā were to receive a fixed corporal punishment (ḥadd): one hundred lashes and exile for unmarried free persons, stoning to death for married or previously married free persons, and fifty lashes (without exile) for slaves. Zinā was established, according to classical law, through either confession of one or both parties, or through the concurrent eyewitness testimony of four sane adult males. (It was unanimously agreed that women’s testimony was excluded in the ḥadd crimes, including zinā.) A third type of evidence – pregnancy in an unmarried/unowned woman – was contested between the schools. The stringent evidentiary and procedural standards for implementing the zinā punishment may have functioned to offset the severity of the punishment itself, an effect that seems to have been intended by legal authorities, who in the early period developed legal maxims encouraging averting the ḥadd punishments as much as possible, whether through claiming ambiguity (shubha) or a lack of legal capacity (ahliyya).

Muslim authorities recognized from the earliest period, however, that not all acts of zinā were mutually consensual, and that the legal principles meant to address cases of consensual zinā were not easily applicable in cases of coercion. Muslim judges and jurists thus developed a theoretical apparatus through which to analyze the various complexities raised by coercive zinā. This classical theoretical apparatus used consensual zinā as its basic framework, but expanded it in important ways.

What distinguished a prototypical act of zinā from an act of “rape,” for the jurists, was that in the prototypical case, both parties act out of volition, while in an act of “rape,” only one of the parties does so. Jurists admitted a wide array of situations as being “coercive” in nature, including the application of physical force, the presence of duress, or the threat of future harm either to oneself or those close to oneself; they also included in their definition of “coercion” the inability to give valid consent, as in the case of minors, mentally ill or unconscious persons. Muslim jurists from the earliest period of Islamic law agreed that perpetrators of coercive zinā should receive the ḥadd punishment normally applicable to their personal status and sexual status, but that the ḥadd punishment should be averted from victims of coercive or non-consensual zinā due to their reduced capacity.

The jurists drew a general status distinction between free persons and slaves, and this distinction is reflected in all areas of the law, including rape law. There are several notable differences between the juristic discussion of sexual violation between free persons and sexual violation involving slaves, all of them stemming from the legal status of slaves as property rather than proprietors. The first is a difference in terminology and placement in legal works. Violation of free women is normally described as “coercive zinā” (al-istikrāh ʿalā al-zinā) and the victim as the “coerced woman” (al-mustakrahah), and substantive discussions are normally found in chapters on ḥudūd and zinā. Violation of slavewomen, on the other hand, is normally described as “property usurpation” (ghaṣb) and the victim as “usurped property” (maghṣūbah), and substantive discussions are normally found in chapters on ghaṣb. The second notable difference is the pointed attention to the volitional state of free women in acts of zinā and the frequent lack of attention to the volitional state of slavewomen in acts of ghasb. For the jurists, sexual usurpation of a slavewoman was a form of property damage that required financial compensation to her owner for depreciation. The consent or coercion of the slavewoman to the act, while important for determining whether or not she should get the ḥadd punishment, was irrelevant to assessing depreciation. A third key difference between the violation of free women and slavewomen is closely related to the previous point: The jurists were in agreement that violation of slavewomen required financial compensation to owners, usually equal to the amount by which she was depreciated by the act (this being of particular relevance if she was previously a virgin). Such agreement on monetary compensation was not found in the case of free female rape victims, and this latter point remained heavily contested between the schools of law, as follows:

According to the Mālikī, Ḥanbalī and Shāfi`ī schools of law, the rape of a free woman consisted of not one but two violations: a violation against a “right of God” (ḥaqq Allāh), provoking the ḥadd punishment as we have seen above, and also a violation against a “human” or interpersonal right (ḥaqq ādamī), provoking a monetary compensation. These jurists saw the free woman, in her proprietorship over her own sexuality (buḍ`), as not unlike the slaveowner who owns the sexuality of his female slave. For them, in the same way that the slaveowner was entitled to compensation for sexual misappropriation, the free woman was also entitled to compensation. The amount of this compensation, they reasoned, should be the amount that any man would normally pay for sexual access to the woman in question – that is, the amount of her dower (ṣadāq or mahr). Islamic juristic thinking thus relied not only on the logic of zinā to deal with rape, but also on the logic of marriage: In the case of slavewomen, rape was specifically analogized to usurpation of sexual property, and the case of free women, it was analogized to a usurped conjugal right. In any case, the dower compensation was only seen as applicable if intercourse had taken place; assault of a free woman that excluded vaginal penetration – such as manual defloration – did not provoke the dower fine. (In the case of slavewoman, manual defloration could result in a fine, as it was regarded as a damage to property.)

As against the other Sunni schools, the Ḥanafī school rejected the principle of a dower compensation to free victims of rape. For this, they relied on a few key principles: The first was what they perceived as a necessary hierarchy and consequent conflict between the “rights of God” (ḥuqūq Allāh) and the “rights of persons” (ḥuqūq ādamīya). According to the Ḥanafīs, in cases of combined violations against both God and persons (of which rape was a type), the right of God – that is, the imposition of the ḥadd punishment – trumped the personal right of the woman to compensation for sexual usurpation: If and when the ḥadd zinā was imposed, the dower fine was to be dropped. The second principle was the rejection of the analogy of rape to marriage, which functioned critically in the discourse of the other schools. The dower that served as an exchange value for sexual right in marriage could not be applied, they argued, in the case of rape, which was a form of zinā. Providing a monetary award to a rape victim would be analogous to paying a prostitute. (A minority opinion within the Ḥanbalī school should also mentioned, which was that a compensation for wrongful sex is only payable in the case of virgins, not matrons.)

The evidentiary rules for establishing rape fell into two categories, depending on what was sought – imposition of the ḥadd zinā on the perpetrator or monetary compensation to the victim. Insofar as rape was a type of zinā, the jurists theorized that it could only be established through the same means as consensual zinā – confession or eyewitness testimony of four adult male witnesses. If neither form of evidence could establish with certainty that penetration had occurred, or if the perpetrator had reduced capacity (due to minority, for example), then the ḥadd punishment could not be imposed on the perpetrator. However, the judge might impose a discretionary corporal punishment (taʿzīr) if he felt there was enough circumstantial evidence to support her claim. This line of thought is most fully developed by the Mālikī scholars, and least so by the Ḥanafī scholars.

As for her claim to the dower compensation (among those who accepted it), the legal texts suggest that it was to be handled like any other civil claim (daʿwā or istiḥqāq), in which the claimant seeks to establish testimony through two male witnesses or one male and two female witnesses, or one male witness and an oath. If the claimant is unable to bring sufficient evidence to support her charge, the defendant would presumably have a choice between either acknowledging her claim or denying it through an oath, in which case the charges would be dropped. The efficacy of this system for civil claims in rape cases is unclear, however, because of certain complications: First, the system seems to be intended for breaches of contract, rather than crimes; bringing even one witness to the concomitant events surrounding an act of rape could be nearly impossible for a victim. Second, oaths are specifically rejected in establishing the rights of God, of which rape is a type. Third, charging someone for rape with less than the four requisite witnesses would expose both the witnesses and the claimant to charges of slander (qadhf), which itself is punishable. The classical school texts do not entirely address the difficulties of applying civil claims procedures in the context of rape charges, but seem to leave room for judges to interpret and apply these different rules as they see appropriate. Of the Sunni schools, the Mālikī school goes furthest to establish ways that a rape victim might mount a successful claim for compensation without sufficient eyewitness support or only circumstantial evidence. This may be due to the fact that of the four schools, only the Mālikī school holds pregnancy in an unmarried woman to be proof of zinā and therefore punishable; the other three schools withhold punishment in this context, on the presumption that she may have been raped. A rape victim in Mālikī jurisdiction, therefore, would be forced to report the crime and bring charges against her assailant, so as to avert punishment should she later show pregnancy. It may be that an acute awareness of the difficult position in which rape victims found themselves prompted Mālikī jurists to develop a more workable theory of evidence than the other schools.

Imāmī Shiite jurisprudence on rape is similar to Sunni jurisprudence in basic respects, yet has some appreciable differences. Shiite authorities agreed that the ḥadd punishment for zinā was to be imposed on the perpetrator of rape while averted from the victim. Their arguments for this averting were based not so much on the mitigating role of coercion/invalid consent in application of the ḥadd penalties, but rather on the idea that the rape victim had not actually committed zinā, in the first place, an act that requires intent. As for the punishment to be applied on the perpetrator, Shiite law was univocal in supporting an intensified version of the ḥadd zinā, namely execution by the sword rather than the normal ḥadd zinā (which was flogging for the unmarried and stoning for the previously married).

Shiite jurists were divided over the appropriateness of compensating the free victim of rape in the amount of her dower (mahr or ʿuqr). Some argued that there is no compensation for the victim, based on ʿAlī’s precedent and the Prophetic saying that there is no compensation for the prostitute (baghy), and also on the foundational principle of freedom from liability (barā’at al-dhimmah). Others argued that the victim should receive compensation, as she is neither a prostitute nor a fornicatress (zāniyah), and on the notion that dower payment is the bloodprice (diyah) for the usurped vulva (al-farj al-maghṣūb). In stating their positions on this topic, the Shiite jurists frequently refer to the Sunni Abū Ḥanīfa, who opposed any compensation, and to al-Shāfiʿī, who supported it. Shiite jurisprudence is also multivocal on the correct amount of damages payable to the owner of a sexually misappropriated slavewoman. Some argued that the owner is owed 1/10th of her price if she was a virgin and 1/20th is she was a matron, while others argued that the owner is owed her dower (mahr), as well as a separate fine for defloration if she was a virgin (called arsh al-bakārah).

Another notable area of difference between Sunni and Shiite jurisprudence concerns the liability of the insane to the ḥadd zinā. According to Sunni law, the ḥadd is to be averted from all who have defective legal capacity, such as minors, the insane, and the unconscious, regardless of gender. According to some Shiite jurists, a distinction is to be made between insane men and insane women who commit zinā: While the ḥadd is to be averted from insane women, it is imposed in full upon insane men. Others, however, rejected this gender distinction, and affirmed that insane men, too, should be spared the ḥadd punishments. The Sunni parallel to this exploration of the relationship between legal capacity and sexual agency is the Sunni discussion of a man being coerced to zinā with a woman by a third party. This is debated with some vigor, with attention given to whether a coerced or fearful man can be aroused to perform, whether his enjoyment is indicative of guilt, and whether it matters if the coercion is exerted by a state authority or not.

A few outlying issues should also be addressed. Classical Islamic law drew a line between rape intra-Muslim and intercommunal rape. If a Muslim male violated a non-Muslim (dhimmī) woman, the sentence would be the same for him as if she were Muslim. However, a dhimmī man’s assault against a Muslim woman was considered a violation of the intercommunal political treaty under which dhimmīs lived in Muslim lands, and so was to suffer execution. Same-sex violation is addressed only in a limited fashion, in the context of sex between an adult male and a minor male; assault of one man by another, or one woman by another, receives little or no attention. Both Sunni and Shiite legal sources give considerable attention to injury (jināyah) that may occur in the course of coercive zinā, particularly tearing of the perineum, such as happens with the use of excessive force or where the victim is a minor. The general opinion of the Sunni schools was that a partial tear provoked a fine in the amount of 1/3 her bloodprice (diyah), while a total tear (such as causes incontinence and could even lead to death) prompted a full bloodprice. The Shiite jurists generally agreed to assign her a full diyah, and debated the necessity of also assigning her the dower (as we have seen above)

Women Crooked Rib Hadith Explained Dr Jonathan Brown

Hadith More Women in Hell Discussed by Dr Jonathon Brown

Jonathan AC Brown on Honor Killings

Prurient Lie About Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Sahriah Courts: Age and Physical Maturity for Sex

Quran Only Movement is Not Intellectually Honest - Dr Jonathan AC Brown

Dr Jonathan Brown: The Hadith of the Sun Prostrating

What is Isnad in Hadith Studies
Sharia Law against terrorism

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

Learn about Islam

Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk

Hadith More Women in Hell Discussed by Dr Jonathon Brown

Dr Jonathon Brown mentions the opinion of Abu Huraira and the scholar Ibn Hajar. He stresses the importance of the wisdom of this Hadith and touches on views of the companions of the Prophet as well as the generations of scholars on this issue. He also warns against reading Ahadith from a hermeunitc of suspicion.




Narrated Ibn ‘Abbas: The Prophet said: “I was shown the Hell-fire and that the majority of its dwellers were women who were ungrateful.” It was asked, “Do they disbelieve in Allah?” (or are they ungrateful to Allah?) He replied, “They are ungrateful to their husbands and are ungrateful for the favors and the good (charitable deeds) done to them. If you have always been good (benevolent) to one of them and then she sees something in you (not of her liking), she will say, ‘I have never received any good from you.” (Sahih Bukhari, Hadith 28)

Waqar Akbar Cheema of the Islamic Center for Research and Academics has discussed the Hadith here:

Do women form majority in the hell?

Whether you are a Christian or Muslim, it's important to avail yourself of these points as superficial and intellectually dishonest Christian apologetics are being  circulated both offline and online.

Here are a few take-home points from Cheema's article:

Women don't go to Hell for simply being women.

In the Hadith mentioned by Christians, the Prophet stated only what he had seen during his Miraculous Journey which is not bound to remain the same for ever.

Other traditions plainly establish that in the Paradise women will be much larger in number compared to men

Rebuking Rev. Steven Martins of Evangelium & Apologia Ministries - 'Western Values'

Is the Gospel of John Reliable?

The Sicarii

More about the Paraclete

Prophecies of the Messiah - Reza Aslan

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

Learn about Islam

Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk 

Women Crooked Rib Hadith Explained Dr Jonathan Brown

Don't allow ignorant and hateful people to mislead you into thinking this Hadith is a sexist (anti-woman) Hadith. Listen to Dr Jonathan AC Brown explain it and view the link below.



This video was also uploaded here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BOMCqhb3xtM

Allah’s Messenger (ﷺ) said: “And I command you to take care of the women in a good manner for they are created from a rib and the most crooked portion of the rib is its upper part; if you try to straighten it, you will break it, and if you leave it, it will remain crooked, so I command you to take care of the women in a good manner.”[1]

 Some scholars have said the hadith means Allah Almighty first created Adam and then created Eve from his rib.[2] However, other scholars have interpreted the Hadith differently (in a figurative sense)[3] stating that the example of a woman is like a rib which appears to be crooked/bent but the real beauty of it is in being crooked. If one tries to straighten it, it will break and then one will have to put it back together, it would not return to its original beautiful state.

Read more:
http://icraa.org/creation-from-a-crooked-rib-does-islam-look-down-upon-women/

Also see:
The Meaning Of The Hadeeth "Women Are Like A Crooked Rib - Amazing - Bilal Assad

Jonathan AC Brown on Honor Killings

Prurient Lie About Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Sahriah Courts: Age and Physical Maturity for Sex

Quran Only Movement is Not Intellectually Honest - Dr Jonathan AC Brown

Dr Jonathan Brown: The Hadith of the Sun Prostrating

What is Isnad in Hadith Studies
Sharia Law against terrorism

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

Learn about Islam

Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk

Dr Jonathan Brown on the Quilliam Foundation

'I have to say, I've ever only felt the need to shower after meeting someone once in my life... And it was quilliam people.' [from Dr Jonathan AC Brown's FB]

George Galloway Exposes Maajid Nawaz's Quilliam Foundation

Sharia Law against terrorism

Dr. Jonathan Brown's Response to - ISIS - Terrorism - Beheadings!

Dr Jonathan Brown on Terrorism + Lady who heckled Barack Obama (Medea Benjamin)



Jonathan AC Brown on Honor Killings

Prurient Lie About Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Sahriah Courts: Age and Physical Maturity for Sex

Quran Only Movement is Not Intellectually Honest - Dr Jonathan AC Brown

Dr Jonathan Brown: The Hadith of the Sun Prostrating

What is Isnad in Hadith Studies

Biography - Dr. Jonathan Brown.

Jonathan A.C. Brown was born in 1977 to Jonathan C Brown and anthropologist Ellen Clifton Patterson.[1] He was raised as an Anglican and converted to Islam in 1997.[2] Brown graduated magna cum laude with a Bachelor of Arts in History in 2000 from Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., studied Arabic for a year at the Center for Arabic Study Abroad at the American University of Cairo, and completed his doctorate in Islamic thought at the University of Chicago in 2006.

From 2006 to 2010 he taught in the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilization at the University of Washington in Seattle, and since 2010 has been Assistant Professor in Islamic Studies and Muslim-Christian Understanding in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He is also a term member of the Council on Foreign Relations.[4]

He has written on Hadith, Islamic law, Sufism, Arabic lexical theory and Pre-Islamic poetry and is currently focused on the history of forgery and historical criticism in Islamic civilization and modern conflicts between late Sunni Traditionalism and Salafism in Islamic Thought.[5] His research has taken him to Egypt, Syria, Turkey, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Indonesia, India and Iran among others.

Noam Chomsky on Barack Obama's Most Extreme Terrorist Campaign in Modern History

Noam Chomsky on How to Stop Terrorism from ISIS etc.

Sharia Law against terrorism

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Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk

Sahriah Courts: Age and Physical Maturity for Sex

This excerpt from Dr Jonathan Brown is insightful and important for many on the internet as there are misconceptions and Islamophobic allegations swirling around the internet.

Some of the take home points:

Muslim scholars historically have forbade sex with girls who are not of physical capability to undergo it on the basis that sex could be physically harmful. Thus really, if we transfer this historical scholarship and thought, then stories of young girls dying or being harmed through sex because they weren't physically ready for it would be in contradiction with Muslim scholarly views.

If somebody did have sex with a girl who was pre-pubescent, the Shariah courts considered it despicable and censured it. It was socially condemned too thus showing that Muslim communities considered this act to be despicable.

The legacy of  Prophet Muhammad's (p) marriage to Aisha (ra) is the Muslim teaching that sexual relations cannot be had with anybody not physically mature enough.

Islam, contrary to what some Islamophobic bigots may say, does not allow sex if it is physically harmful for the girl. And of course, that is an outright opposition to paedophilia (sex with prepubescent girls).

...the medieval ulama considered the point at which a girl was fit for intercourse to be too varied to be firmly legislated for. It was most appropriate for the bride, groom and the bride's guardian to determine the appropriate age for intercourse.

The norm that the ulama did come to consensus on was only a general guideline: they prohibited sexual intercourse for girls 'not able to undergo it,' on the basis that otherwise sex could be physically harmful. If the groom and his wife or her guardian disagreed about her capacity for sex, a Shariah court judge would decide, perhaps after a female expert witness examined her. This was also based on the Prophet's marriage to Aisha. The couple had concluded the marriage contract when Aisha was only six but waited to consummate the marriage until she reached physical maturity. In the case of the Hanbali tradition followed by the Mufti of Saudi Arabia, sex was allowed when the bride was 'at the age which others like her have intercourse,' specifying nine as the norm for suitability on the basis of Aisha's Hadith. A Scottish physician resident in Aleppo in the mid 1700s noted how families endeavoured to marry their children off (i.e. complete the marriage contract) at a young age but that they would not consummate the marriage until the girl 'had come of age''. Historical evidence from nineteenth-century Ottoman Palestine suggests that the husbands having sexual intercourse with wives before they reached puberty did sometimes occur. But it was rare, condemned socially and censured by Shariah court judges. Shariah courts in French Algeria in the 1850s considered it equally despicable.

'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p143

Jewish And Christian Ages of Consent.

Age of Consent for Jews and Christians?

Age of Consent in the Bible is Puberty - Bible Agrees with Prophet Muhammad's Marriage to Aisha

Here's an important video featuring Shaikh Muhammad Salah, Dr Jonathan Brown, Hamza Yusuf, Dr Bilal Philips, Shaikh Imran Hossein and Dr Yasir Qadhi which all go towards destroying the Islamophobic claim against the idea of Aisha having reached puberty.




Sharia Law against terrorism

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Consent in Marriage

Well-known Hadiths explained that any woman who had reached puberty must give her consent for marriage, though if she was a virgin and remained silent the Prophet explained that 'her silence is her consent.' This applied to girls who had reached maturity, which occurred when they began menstruating or reached fifteen years old, whichever came first (Maliki scholars alone allowed that eighteen was the oldest possible age by which puberty occurs).  'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p142

Reveal Muslim Scholars Views on Rape For All

Respect: Pakistani Muslims in Bradford Protested Against Prostitution

 

More about the Paraclete

Prophecies of the Messiah - Reza Aslan

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

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Why Does Child Marriage Happen?

Child marriage is not something primarily linked to a specific religion. It's linked to economic pressures.

In reality, those working internationally to combat child marriage have concluded that its roots are primarily economic and unrelated to any specific religion. Most common in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, regardless of religion, child marriage generally hinges on one of two opposing economic pressures: the premium on high birth rates in agricultural communities, or a desire to marry off daughters as soon as possible to minimize the number of mouths to feed in a household.
'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p141

More about the Paraclete

Prophecies of the Messiah - Reza Aslan

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

Learn about Islam

Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk 

The Battle for the Hijab in Turkey

By 1926 the caliphate, Sharia law courts, Sufi brotherhoods, even the Arabic call to prayer, had all been abolished. Students in the new Turkish Republic attended universities where headscarves were taboo or banned outright, and the countries elites allowed no place for religion in public (for many, even private) life.

..since the late 1990s Turkey's Islamist parties have lobbied only for reforms granting practicing Muslims parity in Turkish society. Under the rule of popularly elected, and re-elected, AK party, since 2009 the lecture halls of Turkish universities bob with stylishly veiled heads often more eager to learn than their male classmates. The largest Islamic movement in the country, following the preacher Fethullah Gulen, boasts tightly organized branches not only throughout Turkey but also around the world devoted to interfaith dialogue, schooling and cultivating non-threatening Islamic piety.  'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p158

 

Is the Gospel of John Reliable?

The Sicarii

More about the Paraclete

Prophecies of the Messiah - Reza Aslan

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

Learn about Islam

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Ibn Taymiyya Dream of Prophet Muhammad p

Ibn Taymiyya, a learned and conservative Hanbali don but also an iconoclast unintimidated by mainstream censure. He used to admit how impressed he was by one Fatima bint Abbas (d. 1315), a female Hanbali scholar who had mastered the greatest works of law and took to the pulpits of Damascus mosques to harangue and inspire a sinful public with her preaching. Despite his respect for her, Ibn Taymiyya recalled that he had marked reservations about her speaking in the mosque pulpit. He intended to put a stop to it. Then the Prophet came to him in a dream. 'This is a righteous woman,' the Messenger of God counselled him. The inimitable scholar, who had stood unperturbed before sultans and had smashed idols, held his tongue. 'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p199

Sharia Law against terrorism

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

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Quran Only Movement is Not Intellectually Honest - Dr Jonathan AC Brown

The Quran Only Movement (Quranism Group) is criticised by Dr Jonathan AC Brown

Dr Johnathan Brown: Quran Only are Not Intellectually Honest or Consistent



According to Dr Jonathan Brown the Quran-Only approach is a modern movement which is inconsistent and intellectually dishonest.

Quranism (Arabic: قرآنية‎ Qur'aniyyat) is an Islamic view that holds the Qur'an to be the only authentic source of Islamic faith. Quranists generally reject, therefore, the religious authority and authenticity of hadith, sunnah, clergymen, madhhabs, as well as traditional sharia law [Wikipedia]

What is Isnad in Hadith Studies

More about the Paraclete

Prophecies of the Messiah - Reza Aslan

Sharia Law against terrorism

Christians having dreams and converting to Islam

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Email: yahyasnow@yahoo.co.uk 

Dr Jonathan Brown: The Hadith of the Sun Prostrating

Here we see scholars looked at the Hadith of the Sun Prostrating as metaphorical and did not take it literally.

Damascene scholar Nawawi concluded that the Hadith of the Sun Prostrating must be referring to a metaphorical prostration - the sun's submission to God's will through the order of His creation. As the Quran reads in a highly poetic passage: 'The stars and the trees bow down' (55:6). 'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p71

Jonathan Brown on Hadith Sun Prostrates Under Throne



Dr Jonathan Brown mentions that the pre-modern Muslim scholars knew that the Sun did not literally prostrate - it was seen as figurative.

For a further discussion on this Hadith see:
http://www.letmeturnthetables.com/2012/09/sun-prostration-throne-hadith-explained.html

Narrated Abu Dharr: The Prophet asked me at sunset, "Do you know where the sun goes (at the time of sunset)?" I replied, "Allah and His Messenger know better." He said, "It goes (i.e. travels) till it prostrates Itself underneath the Throne and takes the permission to rise again, and it is permitted and then (a time will come when) it will be about to prostrate itself but its prostration will not be accepted, and it will ask permission to go on its course but it will not be permitted, but it will be ordered to return whence it has come and so it will rise in the west. And that is the interpretation of the Statement of Allah: "And the sun is quickly proceeding towards its destination. That is the designing of the All-Mighty, the All-Knowing. " (36.38)
(Sahih Bukhari, Volume 4, Book 54, Hadith 421)

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Jonathan AC Brown on Honor Killings

Here we see there has been a consensus for centuries amongst Muslim scholar on the prohibition of honor killing. Not only this, we also see honor killings are not specific to Arabia and Muslims.

Along with quips about camels and hummus, 'honor killing' is among the first phrases that average folk in the West associate with Islam. ...Violence committed against women for perceived compromises of family honor is a product of patriarchal societies suffering from economic underdevelopment. The phenomenon is found across religions and from Brazil to India. Ironically, those Arab countries with legal provisions that treat honor crimes more lightly than comparable offenses all draw these laws from the Ottoman Criminal Code of 1858. It, in turn, translated this provision directly from the French Legal Code of 1810.

Questions about honor killings have regularly found their way into the inboxes of leading muftis like Yusuf Qaradawi or the late Lebanese Shiite scholar Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah. Their responses reflect a rare consensus. No Muslim scholar of any note, either medieval or modern, has sanctioned a man killing his wife or sister for tarnishing her or the family's honor.  'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p179
 

Honor Killings: Robert Spencer Lies About Islam

 

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The Honesty of Sunni Scholar, Daraqutni

This little account of Daraqutni changing his mind on a Hadith's reliability is just another marvellous example of intellectual honesty on the part of classical Muslim scholars.

Daraqutni, the leading Sunni Hadith scholar of tenth-century Baghdad, espoused the virulent anti-Shiite sentiments typical of Sunnis in a period in which Ismaili and Imami Shiism were triumphant. When he heard the Hadith supposedly said by the Prophet that 'Hasan and Husayn [he two sons of Ali, the second and third Imams] are the two lords of the youth in Heaven,' he dismissed it as a forgery by one Suwayd bin Sa'id. Daraqutni recalled that he clung to this opinion for years, thinking that 'Suwayd had committed a great crime in narrating this Hadith,' until he travelled to Egypt and found the Hadith corroborated by another, reliable chain of transmission...Daraqutni accepted the Hadith as sound and cleared Suwayd's name. 'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p178

What is Isnad in Hadith Studies

White supremacy, Abraham Lincoln and Islam

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Do Shia Pray 3 Times A Day?

Imami Shiites combine their daily prayers and perform them three times a day instead of five ..But most Sunni schools also allow combining prayers when travelling.. 'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p171

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Prurient Lie About Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Some people actually believed the Muslim Brotherhood were really proposing laws to allow sex with one's dead wife. Just goes to show even intelligent people can be fooled.

In the summer of 2012, even intelligent and well-informed Egyptians expressed shock at how the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated parliament had proposed a law allowing 'The Farewell Intercourse' - a husband would have right to have sex with his dead wife up to twelve hours after her death. This was, of course, totally untrue. Parliamentary sessions were all televised, and no such proposal occurred (needless to say, the act would also be prohibited by Shariah) 'Misquoting Muhammad', Jonathan A.C Brown, Kindle p261-262

Necrophilia in Egypt and Morocco - Beware of Anti-Muslim Hoaxes

 Perverted: Father Zakaria Botros’ Necrophilia Hoax Revisited!


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